Co-creating a culture of peace
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‚ÄúIt was also a shock to the system that a candidate universally known in Iowa, with deep pockets and long experience, could come close to losing to a relative unknown who was initially considered little more than a protest candidate.‚ÄĚ
Just think of it! The tiny, tightly controlled consciousness that calls itself The World‚Äôs Greatest Democracy got all rattled and discombobulated by the behavior of Iowa caucus participants this week, because a large number of them ‚ÄĒ virtually half of the participating Democrats ‚ÄĒ cast their vote for an old socialist, well outside the zone of official approval.
When I want to believe that America is a democracy ‚ÄĒ indeed, to feel so deeply this is so that my soul trembles ‚ÄĒ I turn to Martin Luther King, who gave his life for it.
He cried out for something so much more than a process: a game of winners and losers. He reached for humanity‚Äôs deepest yearning, for the connectedness of all people, for the transcendence of hatred and the demonization of ‚Äúthe other.‚ÄĚ He spoke ‚ÄĒ half a century ago ‚ÄĒ the words that those in power couldn‚Äôt bear to hear, because his truths cut too deep and disrupted too much business as usual.
‚ÄúAnd finally, how can we make our politics reflect what‚Äôs best in us, and not what‚Äôs worst?‚ÄĚ
The president asked the right question in his State of the Union address last week. What if he‚Äôd actually answered it ‚Äď or at least addressed it honestly?
She had so little and she had so much.
I didn‚Äôt know her, except for the tiny piece of her life that was revealed in the 2013 documentary Hear Our Voices, directed by David and Patricia Earnhardt, but her candid, gutsy presence in that film was sufficient to pull her into my heart.
‚ÄúJust as we stood for freedom in the 20th century, we must stand together for the right of people everywhere to live free from fear in the 21st century. And . . . as the only nuclear power to have used a nuclear weapon, the United States has a moral responsibility to act. We cannot succeed in this endeavor alone, but we can lead it, we can start it.
‚ÄúSo today, I state clearly and with conviction America‚Äôs commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons.‚ÄĚ
Want a ringside seat for the war on crime? Go to killedbypolice.net. A few hours ago (as I write this), the site had listed 1,191 police killings in the U.S. this year. I just looked again.
The total is up one.
Write about love, as in love thy enemy, and the social recoil sounds like this:
‚ÄúThere is no nexus at which we can speak with ISIS. Singing Kumbaya while being led to a beheading can‚Äôt work.‚ÄĚ
‚ÄúThe question now is how to change our institutions so that they promote human values rather than destroy them.‚ÄĚ
Philip Zimbardo, who posed this question in the wake of the famous ‚ÄĒ or infamous ‚ÄĒ Stanford Prison Experiment 44 years ago, might have added: If we fail to do so, we guarantee our own social collapse.
If Donald Trump can thrive politically by throwing meat to the American id, what else is possible? How about the opposite?
Trump‚Äôs most recent attempt to reclaim poll supremacy ‚ÄĒ his call for ‚Äúa total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States until our representatives can figure out what‚Äôs going on‚ÄĚ ‚ÄĒ is not simply reckless and dangerous, but also starkly clarifying. America‚Äôs bully billionaire, so rich he doesn‚Äôt have to heed the niceties of political correctness, is channeling old-time American racism, as mean and ugly and self-righteous as it‚Äôs ever been. Jim Crow is still with us. ‚ÄúThe only good Indian is a dead Indian‚ÄĚ is still with us.
It‚Äôs too easy to reduce acts of kindness to an ‚Äúaw, isn‚Äôt that nice?‚ÄĚ sort of irrelevance. What if we thought about them, instead, as templates for foreign policy?
For one thing, if we did, there would be no such thing as ‚Äúforeign‚ÄĚ policy ‚ÄĒ no segregation of most of humanity behind borders and labels, to be controlled and, most of all, feared. There would only be getting-to-know-you policy, not in a simplistic sense but with a deep and courageous curiosity . . . because our survival depends on it.
‚ÄúSince the people are sovereign under our Constitution . . .‚ÄĚ
Ralph Nader writes in a recent essay that we should demand acknowledgement of this fact from our presidential candidates and ask what they will do to restore this sovereignty to the American people, in their various manifestations as voters, taxpayers, workers and consumers.
I‚Äôm sitting in the aftermath of Paris, feeling emotions tear me apart. One of the emotions is joy. My daughter, who lives there, is safe.
Has ‚Äújoy‚ÄĚ ever felt so troubling?
‚ÄúBy God,‚ÄĚ Bush said in triumph, ‚Äúwe‚Äôve kicked the Vietnam syndrome once and for all.‚ÄĚ
This was Bush 41, a quarter of a century ago, celebrating the terrific poll numbers his kwik-win war on Iraq was generating. Remember yellow ribbons? I think he had a point. ‚ÄúVietnam syndrome‚ÄĚ ‚ÄĒ the public aversion to war ‚ÄĒ still has a shadow presence in America, but it no longer matters.
Another deep cry, followed by a shrug. The world is at war, at war, at war. But it only hurts them, the helpless ones, the anonymous poor, who absorb the bombs and bullets, who bury their children, who flee their broken countries.
Sixty million people have been displaced by the current wars, the highest number of uprooted since World War II. But who cares?
So South Carolina has a special crime category called ‚Äúdisturbing schools,‚ÄĚ which seems to be creating just that: disturbing schools. Very disturbing schools.
Not that I need to single out South Carolina. In my brief stint teaching writing as an outside consultant in several Chicago high schools, some 20 years ago, I was smacked broadside with the observation that the city‚Äôs educational system exhibited the behavior of an occupying army, at least in its low-income neighborhoods. Education was something imposed from above and force-fed to the students like bad-tasting medicine. It didn‚Äôt honor the students‚Äô own culture.
Political wisdom always has a sharp, cynical edge. You can‚Äôt utter it without feeling the throb of ancient wounds.
For instance: ‚ÄúIf voting changed anything, they‚Äôd make it illegal.‚ÄĚ
‚ÄúThe Pentagon said on Saturday that it would make ‚Äėcondolence payments‚Äô to the survivors of the American airstrike earlier this month on a hospital run by Doctors Without Borders in Kunduz, Afghanistan, as well as to the next of kin of those who died in the attack.‚ÄĚ
Such a small piece of news, reported a few days ago by the New York Times. I‚Äôm not sure if anything could make me feel more ashamed of being an American.
‚ÄúWe tried to take a look into one of the burning buildings. I cannot describe what was inside. There are no words for how terrible it was. In the Intensive Care Unit six patients were burning in their beds.‚ÄĚ
So said Lajos Zoltan Jecs, a nurse at the hospital the U.S. bombed in Kunduz, Afghanistan, killing 22 people: doctors, staff, patients (including three children). This image is now spiraling through the Internet and across the global consciousness.
By Robert C. Koehler And down the moral rabbit hole we go. The New York Times reported last week that U.S. soldiers still fighting the war in Afghanistan ‚ÄĒ 14 years on ‚ÄĒ are under orders to be ‚Äúculturally sensitive‚ÄĚ regarding different attitudes among our Afghan allies about, uh . . . the sexual abuse […]
‚ÄúNative Americans have to concede that rain dances don‚Äôt work.‚ÄĚ
Yeah, snort. How funny can you get? It‚Äôs the New Rules segment of ‚ÄúReal Time with Bill Maher‚ÄĚ and the host has just tossed his gag tomahawk at the First People. A picture fills the screen: Indians in full regalia, dancing. The caption below it says ‚ÄúTribal Thumpers.‚ÄĚ He pauses, straight-faced, eyeballs rolling in sarcasm. There‚Äôs a trickle of laughter amid the awkward silence, then Maher turns away from the camera, presumably toward the crew back stage, and calls out in his fake shame-on-me voice, ‚ÄúAre you making fun of Indians, Bill?‚ÄĚ
The world hemorrhages. Refugees flow from its wounds.
Is there a way to be innocent of this?
People are washed ashore. They die of suffocation in humanity-stuffed trucks. They flee war and politics; they flee starvation. And finally, we don‚Äôt even have sufficient air for them to breathe.
Who are all these people?
Here‚Äôs another global problem ‚ÄĒ this flow of refugees ‚ÄĒ that national governments are apparently incapable of dealing with in a long-term, cooperative, globally responsible way. As with climate change, as with war and disarmament, they retreat into insularity in the face of such matters and become protective of their short-term, individual ‚Äúinterests,‚ÄĚ which mostly concern the bureaucratic sacredness of their borders and an obsessive distinction between us and them.
Renaming a mountain is better than beheading it.
And the pseudo-uproar from Donald Trump and other Republicans over the presidential renaming of the continent‚Äôs highest mountain, Denali ‚ÄĒ ‚Äúthe great one‚ÄĚ ‚ÄĒ is so much yammering in a cage.
Oh sacred planet.
The terror of climate crisis is a long time in the making. As I read about the mass mobilization forming around the upcoming U.N. climate change convention, which is likely to accomplish far too little ‚ÄĒ because what‚Äôs needed is change at the roots of civilization ‚ÄĒ I feel a desperate impatience, a tearing at my soul. What can I do that‚Äôs bigger than anger, bigger than a demand for governmental and corporate entities to make changes they are essentially incapable of making?
The central assumption of democracy ‚ÄĒ beyond the assumption of fair elections, which is disturbingly questionable ‚ÄĒ is that voters are the possessors of their own ‚Äúinterests,‚ÄĚ and vote for the candidate most sympathetic to them.
But of course those interests are fair game for advertising, bombast and propaganda ‚ÄĒ and the psychology of fear.
‚ÄúEach of the Parties to the Treaty undertakes to pursue negotiations in good faith . . .‚ÄĚ
What if words like this actually meant something?
This is Article VI of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which the United States signed in 1970. It continues: ‚Äú. . . on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament, and on a treaty on general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control.‚ÄĚ
Oh plaintive cry for justice, for change, for the world we must create, welling up from a tiny island nation in the Pacific Ocean. I can only pray: Let there be an authority large enough to hear it.
My first reaction, upon learning that the Republic of the Marshall Islands ‚ÄĒ former U.S. territory, still ravaged and radioactive, the site of 67 H-bomb tests between 1946 and 1958 ‚ÄĒ has filed lawsuits against the nine nations that possess nuclear weapons demanding that they eliminate their arsenals, as per the provisions of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, was cringing disbelief. Are they serious? I couldn‚Äôt imagine an action more futile.
The flag in front of Home Depot was at half-mast and I felt myself wondering why in an awkward, despairing way.
The nation and the news cycle were still thrashing in the wake of the Chattanooga killings and I figured, oh, it‚Äôs for the soldiers ‚ÄĒ but all that realization did was intensity the troubled feelings the spectacle had aroused. This is America, where you can shop and mourn . . . but it wasn‚Äôt just that.
‚Äú. . . no real security, just powers of retaliation.‚ÄĚ
This was Norman Mailer, four-plus decades ago, writing in Miami and the Siege of Chicago about the obsessive security measures ‚Äď ‚Äúhelicopters riding overhead like roller coasters, state troopers with magnums on their hip and crash helmets, squad cars, motorcycles‚ÄĚ ‚Äď at the Democratic and Republican national conventions, which . . . uh, didn‚Äôt actually provide security, but sure allowed us to get even afterwards.
Austerity, the tool of neoliberal capitalism, stands up to Greek democracy and stares it down. Oh well.
We‚Äôre remarkably comfortable with soulless economics.
Pope Francis, speaking this week in Paraguay, cried to the nations of Planet Earth: ‚ÄúI ask them not to yield to an economic model . . . which needs to sacrifice human lives on the altar of money and profit.‚ÄĚ